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This paper aims to simulate total factor productivity, following the original proposal made by Cobb and Douglas (1928). Estimates with annual frequency are computed for the United States during two periods, i.e. 1899-1992 and 1933-2019. In the case of Mexico, estimates are computed for the 1993-2015 period. An income distribution in favor of capital in recent decades is found both for the United States and México. Capital share has grown in the United States from 25% in 1899-1922 to 89% in 1993-2019, while for Mexico it has been 82% for 1993-2015. Functional income distribution requires close monitoring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering that the U. S. inflation rate peaked in June 2022, there is no evidence that monetary policy had any significant effect on the direction taken by prices. Yet, like premodern physicians committed to the ancient humoral theory of disease, mainstream economists today have shown that they lack the tools to cure the patient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles The historic diaspora diplomacy literature has generally characterized politically active diaspora as foreign agents leveraged by their ancestral homeland to shape the foreign policy of their host nation. As such, diaspora groups have generally been assessed as net negatives on the foreign policy of their host nations, or as working against the common good of the host nation. This work seeks to challenge this narrow conceptualization and demonstrate that, when considered within a broader historical timeline, granted agency, and contextualized within a networked society, emergent mechanisms for state mobilization of diaspora groups to achieve foreign policy objectives become apparent. This work is focused exclusively on political diaspora groups within the United States and investigates select case studies to demonstrate the evolving nature of U.S.–diaspora relations and the opportunities presented as a result. The work concludes with several policy recommendations, derived from lessons learned within the case studies.Bayes, Jane H., and Laura Gonzalez. 2011. “Globalization, Transnationalism, and Intersecting Geographies of Power: The Case of the Consejo Consultivo del Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (CC‐IME): A Study in Progress.” Politics & Policy 39(1): 11–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00281.x.Huijgh, Ellen. 2017. “Indonesia's ‘Intermestic’ Public Diplomacy: Features and Future.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 762–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12221.Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo‐Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles Policy narrative research focuses on one story/plot that forms narratives in policy controversies without attention to the subplot, picturing a reduced policy narrative structure. Subplots are studied in literary narratives as secondary plots to main plots and in terms of their structures, differences with, and similarities to plots, with both pursuing individual objectives toward common goals. Subplots enhance policy narratives’ structures through enlargement and enrichment. Neglecting the subplot impedes knowledge about their contributions and potentially limits narrative analyses. This article introduces the subplot in policy narratives through a descriptive account, proposes an expanded structural definition, and structurally analyzes the policy narratives in the debate over a mining project in Bristol Bay, Alaska, United States. The opposing narrative's plot is cultural with political, legal, and environmental subplots, while the supporting narrative's plot is developmental with legal and political subplots. The study offers perspectives for advancing subplot research and narrative policy analysis.Brekken, Katheryn C., and Vanessa M. Fenley. 2021. “Part of the Narrative: Generic News Frames in the U.S. Recreational Marijuana Policy Subsystem.” Politics & Policy 49(1): 6–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12388.Chang, Katherine T., and Elizabeth A. Koebele. 2020. “What Drives Coalitions’ Narrative Strategy? Exploring Policy Narratives around School Choice.” Politics & Policy 48(4): 618–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12367.Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. “Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion.” Politics & Policy 39(3): 373–400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the past two decades has proved that top Korean leaders can make a real difference in terms of their previous experiences and personal engagement in securing the Republic of Korea's (ROK) vested interests in the Middle East. For decades, South Korea had handed over its day‐to‐day interactions with Middle Eastern countries to the Korean bureaucracy led by the relevant departments and subaltern officials at the foreign ministry and other state institutions. This approach, however, seems rather dysfunctional today, requiring key Korean officials, especially the president, to get involved personally in the ROK's increasingly multifaceted relationships with Middle Eastern nations. This article reappraises the new Korean orientation by highlighting some of the major developments involving both sides during the past several years. The main argument is that the ROK is facing increasingly serious difficulties in sorting out its policy behaviors toward Middle Eastern countries as Korea is striving to strike a delicate balance between its own expanding commercial interests in the region and what the United States expects from South Korea with regard to the topsy‐turvy world of politics in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has resulted in massive refugee migration. In this article we consider how the European Union (EU) and the United States have so far managed this influx of people. For reasons explained in the article, the EU is more focused on humanitarian aid, while the United States is especially engaged through military aid. The EU and the United States have historically employed both overt and covert means of limiting refugee migration, and this has been especially the case with migrants of color. Ukrainian refugees have no problem entering EU countries and receiving help (work permits, housing, etc.), while the United States uses various ways that make entry into the United States fairly complicated and thus contain Ukrainian migration (e.g., difficulty filling out applications, finding a sponsor in the United States). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Álabe is the property of Alabe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El libro The political economy of transnational power and production. Mexico’s metamorphosis 1982-2022 de James Cypher y Mateo Crossa (2023) es un trabajo muy denso y exige al lector que se mantenga concentrado página tras página. Es una obra consistente y coherente. La narración de diferentes procesos que ocurren a la vez no permite que el lector desvíe su atención. El libro de 264 páginas tiene una gran cantidad de información y presenta un análisis profundo sobre el “surgimiento”, la “implementación” y el desarrollo del neoliberalismo en México. La obra está compuesta de ocho capítulos y un prefacio. Además, hay un índice onomástico y terminológico. El libro es producto de amplios y largos estudios sobre la realidad política, económica y social mexicana. Los autores no solo han examinado la literatura “secundaria” y han consultado “fuentes primarias”, sino también han hecho trabajo de campo y han hablado con líderes sindicales y trabajadores.

Resumo Este artigo tem por objetivo avaliar os limites do debate acerca da crise de hegemonia dos Estados Unidos na década de 1970. Nossa hipótese é que a crise daquele período não correspondeu à crise de hegemonia - à revelia dos questionamentos a ela. Argumentaremos que, ao longo do pós-guerra, os EUA construíram as bases de um poder global que se consolidaram no decorrer daquela quadra e da seguinte, mediante o alicerçamento dos parâmetros formatadores do sistema interestatal - segurança, moeda/finanças, produção/tecnologia. A crise da década corresponde, por conseguinte, não à crise de hegemonia, mas ao antagonismo entre os limites da autonomia dos Estados Nacionais e a ascensão de uma ordem econômica transnacional, em cujo vértice se situa o poder global estadunidense. JEL: F40, F62, P16, N12.

La sociedad contemporánea enfrenta una evolución hacia un futuro incierto, marcado por el progreso tecnológico y científico. Las instituciones tradicionales, como el matrimonio y la familia, y las estructuras sociales, como las instituciones educativas, se ven afectadas por esta dinámica. En América Latina, la historia está marcada por conflictos internos y luchas por la identidad nacional, incluyendo guerras civiles y la luchas contra el narcotráfico. A pesar de la importancia de comprender la historia para construir un futuro mejor, la sociedad actual tiende a ignorarla, centrándose en el presente. La investigación propuesta busca explorar la relación entre el mito del totemismo de Freud y el surgimiento del Estado moderno en la independencia de Estados Unidos. Para ello se examinará cómo la teoría de Freud sobre el origen de la cultura y la sociedad puede influir en la comprensión del Estado. Se revisarán textos clave de Freud y análisis contemporáneos para entender esta relación. La investigación se justifica por su enfoque innovador en la exploración del origen del Estado moderno desde una perspectiva freudiana, buscando nuevas visiones y comprensiones sobre el tema.

La victoria de Salvador Allende en 1970 no fue solo un evento determinante para el contexto chileno, tuvo también un eco global, transformando el incipiente experimento que buscaba la creación de una vía democrática al socialismo, en un evento que capturó la atención de militante del mundo entero. Como parte de estas audiencias cautivas, tres miembros de la Nueva Izquierda estadounidense, ligados al movimiento Yippie y desilusionados con el estado de las luchas políticas en su país, decidieron embarcarse en un viaje para conocer la experiencia chilena de primera mano. Nuestro artículo reconstruye este viaje, con el objetivo de mostrar las particulares interacciones que cada viajero tuvo con la realidad chilena y, a través de estas, analizar las características y límites del proyecto de la Unidad Popular, el lugar de la cultura como elemento constitutivo del proyecto de cambio y en paralelo el desarrollo de la contracultura juvenil.

La transición hacia un sistema internacional multipolar, con reflejos también en Oriente Medio, se ha manifestado a través de cambios y transformaciones en la dinámica geopolítica y en las relaciones de poder en la región. En este sentido, se ha evidenciado un alejamiento relativo de Estados Unidos en la zona durante las últimas décadas. Esto está relacionado, sobre todo, con la retirada gradual de tropas norteamericanas del área, cambios en la política exterior estadounidense, el ascenso de nuevos actores regionales e internacionales y la existencia de un nuevo liderazgo en Medio Oriente, que busca ponderar sus agendas nacionales. En consecuencia, el objetivo general del presente artículo es identificar los factores que han determinado la reconfiguración de la hegemonía estadounidense en la región de Oriente Medio en el periodo 2017-2023. Cómo

Este artículo identifica y explica los factores fundamentales del declive relativo de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos de América en el sistema internacional de Estados: la agudización de las contradicciones inherentes del sistema capitalista; la polarización de su política doméstica; la pérdida de confianza en su gobierno; el decrecimiento económico; la pérdida de cuotas de influencia, incluido por el ascenso de potencias emergentes, como China, o de bloques como el BRICS; el rechazo abrumador al orden internacional actual y los intentos por contrarrestar la hegemonía del dólar. Se ejemplifican las áreas en las que se evidencia la disminución del poderío estadounidense. Se analiza como su impacto más visible, el ascenso de China en la región de América Latina y el Caribe. A modo de conclusión queda recogido que el declive relativo de la hegemonía de EE.UU. no significa que esta ha llegado a su fin. El ascenso de China y los BRICS como nuevos actores emergentes no amenaza la hegemonía de EE.UU. en la región. De lo que se trata, a largo plazo, es de un cambio más acentuado en la correlación internacional de fuerzas, que se expresará en una nueva distribución del poder en el hemisferio occidental.

Ante el debate acerca del tipo de liderazgo de Joseph Biden, este trabajo sostiene que la división entre liderazgo transformacional y transaccional, y las correspondientes comparaciones presidenciales, remiten principalmente a la política doméstica. Así, el estudio se enmarca en el enfoque en las relaciones internacionales acerca del liderazgo. Se desarrollan dos líneas de análisis. Primero, se establecerán aproximaciones entre el liderazgo de Lyndon Johnson y Joe Biden principalmente en tres aspectos: experiencia previa, contextos doméstico e internacional en los que asumen, y construcción de liderazgo. Luego, se enfocará en el liderazgo de la presidencia de Joe Biden en los niveles doméstico e internacional en tres asuntos: Build Back Better, la gestión de la pandemia y la estrategia America is back.

Resumo Este estudo teve como objetivo comparar padrões de mortalidade por câncer entre os imigrantes colombianos nos EUA e colombianos em sua terra natal. Dados de 2008 a 2012 foram coletados, e foram calculadas taxas de mortalidade por câncer de colombianos residindo em seu país natal e colombianos residindo em Califórnia, Flórida e Nova York, bem como taxas específicas de mortalidade por idade e sexo por cada 100.000 pessoas. Para comparar as duas populações, tanto antes como após a correção pela escolaridade, as razões de taxas de mortalidade (MRR) foram estimadas por modelo de regressão binomial negativa. Foi descoberto que colombianos em sua terra natal apresentam taxas de mortalidade por câncer mais altas quando comparados aos que residem nos EUA (MRR masculino 1,4 (IC 95%: 1,2-1,5), MRR feminino 1,5 (IC 95%: 1,3-1,7)). Essas diferenças persistem para a maioria dos tipos de câncer, mesmo após correção pela escolaridade. Os colombianos em sua terra natal apresentaram taxa de mortalidade por câncer gástrico (MRR masculino 2,6; feminino 2,8) e cervical (MRR 5,0) significativamente mais alta em comparação com os que residem nos EUA. As desigualdades educacionais na mortalidade por câncer foram mais acentuadas para aqueles que moram em sua terra natal. A menor taxa de mortalidade por câncer observada entre os colombianos nos EUA, porém, não pode ser atribuída às diferenças de escolaridade, um indicador de status socioeconômico. Em vez disso, provavelmente ocorre devido à maior acessibilidade aos serviços de saúde preventivos e curativos nos EUA.

El cine ha perpetuado a lo largo de décadas unos paradigmas narrativos y estereotipos sobre las mujeres periodistas. Algunos de ellos se han trasladado a la ficción televisiva, pero ésta ha actualizado estas representaciones con nuevos modelos. La presente investigación trata de determinar cuál es la imagen que las series de ficción estadounidenses han proyectado sobre las profesionales del periodismo, a través del análisis de ocho series emitidas entre 1988 y 2022, tanto centradas en el periodismo como con protagonistas femeninas que ejercen esta profesión. Se aplica una perspectiva diacrónica que permite ver la evolución de estos estereotipos a lo largo de más de tres décadas. De esta manera, se pueden observar los cambios en los modelos, así como las continuidades, y hacer evidente el progreso social y las diferentes representaciones de las mujeres periodistas.

En contraste con la libre circulación internacional de capitales, de mercancías y de servicios, para el caso del factor trabajo siguen existiendo fuertes restricciones a su movilidad entre un país y otros. Ahí tenemos precisamente la experiencia directa de las medidas extremadamente restrictivas que Estados Unidos ha venido adoptando hacia los trabajadores indocumentados mexicanos. De alguna manera esto es lo que me indujo a incursionar en esta temática, por demás interesante: esclarecer un poco acerca de la dimensión de la problemática migratoria de nuestro país, y lo que está detrás de ello. Es decir, el problema de insuficiencia por parte del gobierno de México para implementar políticas más exitosas en la reactivación de nuestra economía, y por ende en la generación de empleos. Así de importante es el reto, sobre todo por los montos cada vez más crecientes de flujos migratorios de mexicanos que están ingresando en Estados Unidos anualmente.

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Related Articles To what extent do institutions governing the relationship of the U.S. Federal government with U.S. states and U.S. territories affect their emergency preparedness and response operations? States retain more legislative autonomy and representation than territories in the U.S. Congress, which is responsible for the emergency management budget. The advocacy capabilities of territories may be limited, and greater budget constraints are expected to affect the capability of territories to implement federal emergency management plans and perform effective response operations. This work focuses on a comparative case study between responses to Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico and Hurricane Michael in Florida. The multi‐technique qualitative approach combines content analysis and interviews. Findings suggest that neither Florida nor Puerto Rico was prepared to respond to hurricanes of such magnitude, but the procedural arrangements of the Florida emergency management system resulted in a more effective response to Hurricane Michael if compared to Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico.Liu, Zezhao, and Zhengwei Zhu. 2021. “China's Pathway to Domestic Emergency Management: Unpacking the Characteristics in System Evolution.” Politics & Policy 49(3): 619–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12407.Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. “A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens.” Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00371.x.Zang, Xiaowei. 2021. “Environmental Accidents and Environmental Legislation in China: Evidence from Provincial Panel Sata (1997–2014).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 77–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12446. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles While political scientists have long studied citizens' political efficacy as an important indicator of attitudes toward government, less attention has been devoted to the efficacy of rural or urban residents, which is important given the intensifying rural–urban divide in American society. This study fills this gap by analyzing the 2020 American National Election Studies. Using ordered logistic regression, this study finds that (1) city residents tend to believe that small towns and rural areas have too much influence on government; (2) residents of small towns and rural areas demonstrate lower levels of external efficacy than city residents; and (3) people who believe that small towns and rural areas have too much influence tend to demonstrate high external and internal efficacies, a tendency that is clearer in cities than in other community types. These findings reflect mutual in‐group bias and place‐based resentment between rural and urban residents in American society.Peterson, Holly L., Mark K. McBeth, and Michael D. Jones. 2020. “Policy Process Theory for Rural Studies: Navigating Context and Generalization in Rural Policy.” Politics & Policy 48(4): 576–617. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12366.Shortall, Sally, and Margaret Alston. 2016. “To Rural Proof or Not to Rural Proof: A Comparative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 44(1): 35–55. https://doi‐org.libproxy.usouthal.edu/10.1111/polp.12144.Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. “Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States.” Politics & Policy 44(6): 1053–88. https://doi‐org.libproxy.usouthal.edu/10.1111/polp.12187. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles Setting the decision agenda requires restricting information and focusing attention on specific issue dimensions. Agenda setting also carries opportunity costs: focusing on some issues and proposals means others go unaddressed. Agenda setting thus generates conflict about the choice of issues and selection of alternatives and proposals. Using data on “views” attached to U.S. Senate committee reports and Volden and Wiseman's legislative effectiveness scores, I show that more effective legislators are more likely to express disagreement with agenda‐setting choices. And rather than harm senators' future prospects at advancing legislation, expressing disagreement is associated with more subsequent legislative success relative to what other individual and institutional characteristics would predict, particularly in the middle stages of the legislative process. This article's findings illuminate potential short‐term benefits to expressing disagreement in agenda setting. I also find these activities have declined over time, which suggests changes in the institutional environment about venues for expressing disagreement.Heidbreder, Brianne. 2012. “Agenda Setting in the States: How Politics and Policy Needs Shape Gubernatorial Agendas.” Politics & Policy 40(2): 296–319. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00345.x.Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. “Policy Agenda Trade‐offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings.” Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563.Steger, Wayne P. 2008. “The President's Legislative Program: An Issue of Sincere versus Strategic Behavior.” Politics & Policy 33(2): 312–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2005.tb00645.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long before the COVID‐19 pandemic, health‐care spending became a key policy issue across the OECD. Comparing recent institutional trends in public health‐care financing in three federal countries—Canada, the United States, and Mexico—this article explores the political struggles over fiscal federalism in health care related to both vertical and horizontal imbalances that can generate regional tensions and pit subnational governments against one another and, especially, against the national government. Grounded in a historical institutionalist perspective, the article shows how different institutional legacies shape current conflicts over federal health‐care funding in these three highly dissimilar federal countries. Such an analysis stresses the role of policy feedback in social politics and the enduring "varieties of federalism" in North American public health‐care funding. More specifically, the article shows how the distinct nature of policy feedback effects in the United States, Mexico, and Canada helps explain why the two former countries recently witnessed major changes in intergovernmental relations over fiscal federalism for health care while the latter did not. Related Articles: Bode, Ingo, and Jorge E. Culebro Moreno. 2018. "Paradoxical Internationalization: Regulatory Reforms in the Mexican Health‐Care System through the Lens of European Experience." Politics & Policy 46(4): 678–710. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12268. Lauby, Fanny, and Christopher J. McKinley. 2023. "Factors of Early COVID‐19 Prevention Policy Engagement in France and the United States." Politics & Policy 51(5): 830–48. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12556. Luccisano, Lucy, and Amy Romagnoli. 2007. "Comparing Public Social Provision and Citizenship in the United States, Canada, and Mexico: Are There Implications for a North American Space?" Politics & Policy 35(4): 716–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00082.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the transformations of technology in the last two decades, especially those related to privacy, based on the digital rights perspective. It debates how the concept of privacy is grounded on the distinction between public and private, a spatial metaphor no longer applicable in the face of the ubiquity of information and communication technologies. Hence, there is a premise stating the personal is increasingly more political nowadays, due to the phenomenon of surveillance capitalism. To anchor the theoretical debate in an empirically informed discussion, the work analyzes discourses about digital rights used in the main sessions of the Internet Governance Forum. The goal is to map the main Forum controversies about digital rights and their relation with contemporary democracies. Using a combined methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative data from the main sessions of the event, the analysis starts from a survey of the recurrence keywords related to the research; privacy, rights, surveillance, and freedom. From these results, a qualitative analysis of the discourses mobilized in these activities is conducted. The outcomes of the empirical analysis are then discussed from examples of technology regulation in the United States and the European Union. Among the main conclusions of the work, the emphasis lies on the need for transparency and accountability of the artificial intelligence algorithms. Related Articles: Glen, Carol M. 2021. "Norm Entrepreneurship in Global Cybersecurity." Politics & Policy 49(5): 1121–45. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12430. Robles, Pedro, and Daniel J. Mallinson. 2023. "Catching Up with AI: Pushing Toward a Cohesive Governance Framework." Politics & Policy 51(3): 355–72. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12529. Zeng, Jinghan, Tim Stevens, and Yaru Chen. 2017. "China's Solution to Global Cyber Governance: Unpacking the Domestic Discourse of 'Internet Sovereignty.'" Politics & Policy 45(3): 432–64. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12202. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]